Programmes du Capes Externe 2000-2011

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*Charlotte Brontë: [http://agreg-ink.net/index.php?title=Charlotte_Bront%C3%AB_:_Jane_Eyre Jane Eyre] *Charlotte Brontë: [http://agreg-ink.net/index.php?title=Charlotte_Bront%C3%AB_:_Jane_Eyre Jane Eyre]
-*William Shakespeare: [http://agreg-ink.net/index.php?title=William_Shakespeare_:_King_Lear King Lear]+*'''<font color="green">William Shakespeare: [http://agreg-ink.net/index.php?title=William_Shakespeare_:_King_Lear King Lear]</font>''' (Commentaire IV, 1, 10-82)
*Vladimir Nabokov: [http://agreg-ink.net/index.php?title=Vladimir_Nabokov%2C_Lolita Lolita] *Vladimir Nabokov: [http://agreg-ink.net/index.php?title=Vladimir_Nabokov%2C_Lolita Lolita]
Ligne 50: Ligne 50:
===2003=== ===2003===
-*'''<font color="green">William Shakespeare - A Midsummer Night's Dream</font>''' +*'''<font color="green">William Shakespeare - A Midsummer Night's Dream</font>''' (Commentaire III, 2)
*George Eliot - The Mill on the Floss *George Eliot - The Mill on the Floss
*Elisabeth Bishop - The Complete Poems *Elisabeth Bishop - The Complete Poems
Ligne 57: Ligne 57:
===2002=== ===2002===
-*'''<font color="green">Jonathan Swift, Gulliver's Travels</font>'''+*'''<font color="green">Jonathan Swift, Gulliver's Travels</font>''' (Commentaire deuxième partie, chapitre VII)
*D. H. Lawrence, Women in Love *D. H. Lawrence, Women in Love
*Edith Wharton, The Custom of the Country *Edith Wharton, The Custom of the Country
Ligne 72: Ligne 72:
*William Shakespeare - Richard III *William Shakespeare - Richard III
-*'''<font color="green">Charles Dickens - Great Expectations </font>'''+*'''<font color="green">Charles Dickens - Great Expectations </font>''' (commentaire chapitre 49, de "My name is on the first leaf" à "put ice in its place"
*Raymond Carver - Short Cuts, Selected Stories. *Raymond Carver - Short Cuts, Selected Stories.
 +
 +===1999===
 +*Walter Scott - Waverley
 +*Henry James - Portrait of a Lady
 +*Margaret Atwood - The Handmaid's Tale
 +
 +===1998===
 +*William Shakespeare - As You Like It
 +*Daniel Defoe - Moll Flanders
 +*'''<font color="green">Katherine Mansfield - Selected Stories''' (Analyse, comment and discuss the following statement by the American short story writer Willa Cather: "It was usually Miss Mansfield's way to approach the major forces of life through comparatively trivial incidents. She chose a small reflector to throw a luminous streak out in the shadowy realm of personal relationships." Willa Cather, "Katherine Mansfield", ''Not Under Forty'', New York: Knopf, 1936.)
 +
 +
 +===1997===
 +*'''<font color="green">Paul Auster - Moon Palace</font>''' (commentaire de "The next night was clear" à "and forever", Penguin Books, 1989, p. 208-210)
==Civilisation== ==Civilisation==
-*2010: Le débat sur l'abolition de l'esclavage en Grande-Bretagne: 1787-1840[http://agreg-ink.net/index.php?title=Le_d%C3%A9bat_sur_l%27abolition_de_l%27esclavage_en_GB]+*2010: Le débat sur l'abolition de l'esclavage en Grande-Bretagne: 1787-1840[http://agreg-ink.net/index.php?title=Le_d%C3%A9bat_sur_l%27abolition_de_l%27esclavage_en_GB] ''In the half century it took to end the British slave trade and slavery the abolitionist campaign had taken on the trappings of a crusade; a good (and godly) people, brimming with pious anger, had organized themselves in a determined attack on slaver ywherever it thrived. James Walvin, Black Ivory, Slavery in the British Empire (2nd edition, 2001), Malde, Oxford and Carlton: Blackwell Publishing, 2007, p. 266. Analysez et discutez cette citation de l'historien James Walvin.''
-*2009: [[L’empire de l’exécutif : la présidence des États-Unis de Franklin Roosevelt à George W. Bush (1933-2006)]]+*2009: [[L’empire de l’exécutif : la présidence des États-Unis de Franklin Roosevelt à George W. Bush (1933-2006)]] ''J.F. Kennedy, The Presidency in 1960, National Press Club, Washington, D.C., 14 janvier 1960''
-*2008: La dévolution des pouvoirs à l'Ecosse et au Pays de Galles, 1966-1999+*2008: La dévolution des pouvoirs à l'Ecosse et au Pays de Galles, 1966-1999 ''Edward Heath, The Course of My Life: My Autobiography, London: Hodder&Stoughton (1998)''
-*2007: Thomas Jefferson et l'Ouest+*2007: Thomas Jefferson et l'Ouest ''Lettre de Lewis à Thomas Jefferson, 7 avril 1805''
*2006: Thomas Jefferson et l'Ouest *2006: Thomas Jefferson et l'Ouest
-*2005: William Morris, News from Nowhere (1890)+*2005: William Morris, News from Nowhere (1890) ''Chapitre XVIII, pp. 157-160''
-*2004: Le crime organisé à la ville et à l'écran (États-Unis), 1929-1951+*2004: Le crime organisé à la ville et à l'écran (États-Unis), 1929-1951 ''Margaret E. Beare and RT. Naylor, Major Issues Relating to Organized Crime within the Context of Economic Relationships, Law Commission of Canada, 14 avril 1999''
-*2003: Le crime organisé à la ville et à l'écran (États-Unis), 1929-1951+*2003: Le crime organisé à la ville et à l'écran (États-Unis), 1929-1951 ''Discutez ce jugement de l'acteur Edward G. Robinson en vous appuyant sur vos connaissances sur le crime organisé dans la société américaine et ses représentations à l'écran : "The Eighteenth Amendment was the greatest villain of modern times. It was the instigator of corruption, intemperance, malfeasance, gunplay and terrorism. The bootlegger was the progenitor of the gangster, and both the immediate progeny of the enactment of an unnatural law. The bootlegger and the gangster fortuitously, and ironically enough, became the champions of liberty, a sort of knight errant clothed in sham glamour and romanticism. No, neither the press nor the movies can be held reprehensible for the bold defiance of our laws-state, federal and church. It is our social and economic upheaval that has robbed man of his illusions and made him revert to the infantile and primitive. The movies of the last few years have only mirrored the disintegration of civilization; they have not initiated it." Edward G. Robinson, The Movies, the Actor, and Public Morals, in The Movies on Trial, 1936''
-*2002: Pauvreté et inégalités en Grande-Bretagne de 1942 à 1990+*2002: Pauvreté et inégalités en Grande-Bretagne de 1942 à 1990 ''Discutez cette citation de Margaret Thatcher en tenant compte de l'ensemble de la période 1942-1990 :“Welfare benefits, distributed with little or no consideration of their effects on behaviour, encouraged illegitimacy, facilitated the breakdown of families, and replaced incentivesfavouring work and self-reliance with perverse encouragement for idleness and cheating. The final illusion that state intervention would promote social harmony and solidarity or, in Tory language,‘One Nation’–collapsed in the winter of discontent...” Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years,London: Harper Collins, 1993, p. 8
*2001: Pauvreté et inégalités en Grande-Bretagne de 1942 à 1990 *2001: Pauvreté et inégalités en Grande-Bretagne de 1942 à 1990
-*2000:La "destinée manifeste" des États-Unis au XIXème siècle +*2000:La "destinée manifeste" des États-Unis au XIXème siècle ''« Manifest destiny today is interpreted largely in terms of territorial expansion, that was but one of the elements. » Robert W. Johanssen, University of Illinois. Develop and discuss.''
 +*1999: The Wilson Years (1964-1970)
 +*1998: Les médias et l'information aux Etats-Unis depuis 1945 ''Faites un commentaire critique de cet extrait de The Press and the Presidency écrit par John TEBBEL et Sarah H. WATTS, et publié en 1985 : "Nixon's method of dealing with press and television had been on display long before he came to the White House. These incidents had certainly conditioned his attitude toward the media and shown him the way they could be used to seize power and influence voters. He discovered the power of the press to set events in motion when his part in the unlikely discovery of the incriminating "pumpkin papers" led to the trial of Alger Hiss. Here was a real discovery. A young and relatively obscure congressman could become a national figure overnight simply by having his name associated with a major event. As vice-presidential candidate on the Eisenhower ticket, and more accomplished by this time, Nixon had employed basic emotional appeals in the famous Checkers speech, as noted earlier, to vindicate himself when he was first charged with deception. Later, as vice-president, there would be the Kitchen Debate with Premier Nikita Khrushchev, where the image of confrontation, not what was said or done, would be used to create a positive public reaction. But Nixon rehearsed much of what was to follow when he confronted the assembled reporters after the race for the governorship of Califomia and told them, like a defiant child, "You won't have Dick Nixon to kick around any more," expressing both his masochism and paranoia toward the press in blaming it for his defeat. Thus Nixon entered the White House with press relationships already determined not only by virtue of his personality (which continues to be dissected as though it were a perpetual cadaver) but by those attitudes toward the press that he had long since made clear. Battle lines had been drawn, as they had not been in any previous administration. In the subsequent struggle a large portion of the public continued to believe, as it does today, that Nixon was victimized by a hostile, Eastern Establishment press, full of liberals and quite possibly dictated to by the Kremlin. Part of this continuing trust in Nixon was a result of the deep division over Vietnam, but a significant portion arose from the increasing public unwillingness, beginning with Kennedy and Johnson, to believe that presidents could and did lie and manipulated the public through the media. Unlike Johnson, Nixon well understood these attitudes, and in time he developed the means to exploit them, with the intention of further discrediting a press he had given up trying to control. He also developed numerous protective devices to conceal what he and his closest associates were doing, meanwhile, as we know now, also paradoxically creating the means to disclose everything, or nearly everything. If the Johnson White House had been Byzantine in its operations, it had remained within the context of American politics; with Nixon, it came close to being clinically institutional." John TEBBEL, Sarah M. WATTS, ''The Press and the Presidency'', New York, Oxford University Press, 1985.''
 +*1997: Comment upon this statement by R.M. TITMUSS in ''Problems of Social Policies'', 1950: "From the initial preoccupations with the cruder manifestations of total war expressed in such definite policies as removing the injured to hospital, the frightened to safety and the dead to mortuaries, the government was to turn under the pressure of circumstances and the stimulus of a broader conception of social justice to new fields of constructive policies."
 + 
- [[Category: Concours - CAPES]]+[[Category: Concours - Archives]]

Version actuelle

CAPES externe avant 2011

En vert les thèmes tombés au concours.

Sommaire

Littérature

2010

2009

2008

  • William Shakespeare, The Tragedy of Coriolanus (La crise de la représentation)
  • John Steinbeck, The Grapes of Wrath
  • Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice

2007

  • William Shakespeare, The Tragedy of Coriolanus
  • Nathaniel Hawthorne The Scarlet Letter (Le savoir)
  • Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice


2006

  • William Shakespeare. King Richard II
  • Nathaniel Hawthorne, The Scarlet Letter
  • Ford Madox Ford, The Good Soldier


2005

  • William Shakespeare. King Richard II
  • Thomas De Quincey, Confessions of an English Opium Eater
  • Flannery O'Connor, The Complete Stories. (Prophétie et imposture)

2004

  • Joseph Conrad, Lord Jim
  • Thomas De Quincey, Confessions of an English Opium Eater
  • Tennessee Williams, A Streetcar Named Desire (Les pouvoirs de l'illusion)


2003

  • William Shakespeare - A Midsummer Night's Dream (Commentaire III, 2)
  • George Eliot - The Mill on the Floss
  • Elisabeth Bishop - The Complete Poems


2002

  • Jonathan Swift, Gulliver's Travels (Commentaire deuxième partie, chapitre VII)
  • D. H. Lawrence, Women in Love
  • Edith Wharton, The Custom of the Country


2001

  • William Shakespeare. Antony and Cleopatra
  • Charles Dickens. Great Expectations
  • Edith Wharton, The Custom of the Country


2000

  • William Shakespeare - Richard III
  • Charles Dickens - Great Expectations (commentaire chapitre 49, de "My name is on the first leaf" à "put ice in its place"
  • Raymond Carver - Short Cuts, Selected Stories.

1999

  • Walter Scott - Waverley
  • Henry James - Portrait of a Lady
  • Margaret Atwood - The Handmaid's Tale

1998

  • William Shakespeare - As You Like It
  • Daniel Defoe - Moll Flanders
  • Katherine Mansfield - Selected Stories (Analyse, comment and discuss the following statement by the American short story writer Willa Cather: "It was usually Miss Mansfield's way to approach the major forces of life through comparatively trivial incidents. She chose a small reflector to throw a luminous streak out in the shadowy realm of personal relationships." Willa Cather, "Katherine Mansfield", Not Under Forty, New York: Knopf, 1936.)


1997

  • Paul Auster - Moon Palace (commentaire de "The next night was clear" à "and forever", Penguin Books, 1989, p. 208-210)

Civilisation

  • 2010: Le débat sur l'abolition de l'esclavage en Grande-Bretagne: 1787-1840[1] In the half century it took to end the British slave trade and slavery the abolitionist campaign had taken on the trappings of a crusade; a good (and godly) people, brimming with pious anger, had organized themselves in a determined attack on slaver ywherever it thrived. James Walvin, Black Ivory, Slavery in the British Empire (2nd edition, 2001), Malde, Oxford and Carlton: Blackwell Publishing, 2007, p. 266. Analysez et discutez cette citation de l'historien James Walvin.
  • 2009: L’empire de l’exécutif : la présidence des États-Unis de Franklin Roosevelt à George W. Bush (1933-2006) J.F. Kennedy, The Presidency in 1960, National Press Club, Washington, D.C., 14 janvier 1960
  • 2008: La dévolution des pouvoirs à l'Ecosse et au Pays de Galles, 1966-1999 Edward Heath, The Course of My Life: My Autobiography, London: Hodder&Stoughton (1998)
  • 2007: Thomas Jefferson et l'Ouest Lettre de Lewis à Thomas Jefferson, 7 avril 1805
  • 2006: Thomas Jefferson et l'Ouest
  • 2005: William Morris, News from Nowhere (1890) Chapitre XVIII, pp. 157-160
  • 2004: Le crime organisé à la ville et à l'écran (États-Unis), 1929-1951 Margaret E. Beare and RT. Naylor, Major Issues Relating to Organized Crime within the Context of Economic Relationships, Law Commission of Canada, 14 avril 1999
  • 2003: Le crime organisé à la ville et à l'écran (États-Unis), 1929-1951 Discutez ce jugement de l'acteur Edward G. Robinson en vous appuyant sur vos connaissances sur le crime organisé dans la société américaine et ses représentations à l'écran : "The Eighteenth Amendment was the greatest villain of modern times. It was the instigator of corruption, intemperance, malfeasance, gunplay and terrorism. The bootlegger was the progenitor of the gangster, and both the immediate progeny of the enactment of an unnatural law. The bootlegger and the gangster fortuitously, and ironically enough, became the champions of liberty, a sort of knight errant clothed in sham glamour and romanticism. No, neither the press nor the movies can be held reprehensible for the bold defiance of our laws-state, federal and church. It is our social and economic upheaval that has robbed man of his illusions and made him revert to the infantile and primitive. The movies of the last few years have only mirrored the disintegration of civilization; they have not initiated it." Edward G. Robinson, The Movies, the Actor, and Public Morals, in The Movies on Trial, 1936
  • 2002: Pauvreté et inégalités en Grande-Bretagne de 1942 à 1990 Discutez cette citation de Margaret Thatcher en tenant compte de l'ensemble de la période 1942-1990 :“Welfare benefits, distributed with little or no consideration of their effects on behaviour, encouraged illegitimacy, facilitated the breakdown of families, and replaced incentivesfavouring work and self-reliance with perverse encouragement for idleness and cheating. The final illusion that state intervention would promote social harmony and solidarity or, in Tory language,‘One Nation’–collapsed in the winter of discontent...” Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years,London: Harper Collins, 1993, p. 8
  • 2001: Pauvreté et inégalités en Grande-Bretagne de 1942 à 1990
  • 2000:La "destinée manifeste" des États-Unis au XIXème siècle « Manifest destiny today is interpreted largely in terms of territorial expansion, that was but one of the elements. » Robert W. Johanssen, University of Illinois. Develop and discuss.
  • 1999: The Wilson Years (1964-1970)
  • 1998: Les médias et l'information aux Etats-Unis depuis 1945 Faites un commentaire critique de cet extrait de The Press and the Presidency écrit par John TEBBEL et Sarah H. WATTS, et publié en 1985 : "Nixon's method of dealing with press and television had been on display long before he came to the White House. These incidents had certainly conditioned his attitude toward the media and shown him the way they could be used to seize power and influence voters. He discovered the power of the press to set events in motion when his part in the unlikely discovery of the incriminating "pumpkin papers" led to the trial of Alger Hiss. Here was a real discovery. A young and relatively obscure congressman could become a national figure overnight simply by having his name associated with a major event. As vice-presidential candidate on the Eisenhower ticket, and more accomplished by this time, Nixon had employed basic emotional appeals in the famous Checkers speech, as noted earlier, to vindicate himself when he was first charged with deception. Later, as vice-president, there would be the Kitchen Debate with Premier Nikita Khrushchev, where the image of confrontation, not what was said or done, would be used to create a positive public reaction. But Nixon rehearsed much of what was to follow when he confronted the assembled reporters after the race for the governorship of Califomia and told them, like a defiant child, "You won't have Dick Nixon to kick around any more," expressing both his masochism and paranoia toward the press in blaming it for his defeat. Thus Nixon entered the White House with press relationships already determined not only by virtue of his personality (which continues to be dissected as though it were a perpetual cadaver) but by those attitudes toward the press that he had long since made clear. Battle lines had been drawn, as they had not been in any previous administration. In the subsequent struggle a large portion of the public continued to believe, as it does today, that Nixon was victimized by a hostile, Eastern Establishment press, full of liberals and quite possibly dictated to by the Kremlin. Part of this continuing trust in Nixon was a result of the deep division over Vietnam, but a significant portion arose from the increasing public unwillingness, beginning with Kennedy and Johnson, to believe that presidents could and did lie and manipulated the public through the media. Unlike Johnson, Nixon well understood these attitudes, and in time he developed the means to exploit them, with the intention of further discrediting a press he had given up trying to control. He also developed numerous protective devices to conceal what he and his closest associates were doing, meanwhile, as we know now, also paradoxically creating the means to disclose everything, or nearly everything. If the Johnson White House had been Byzantine in its operations, it had remained within the context of American politics; with Nixon, it came close to being clinically institutional." John TEBBEL, Sarah M. WATTS, The Press and the Presidency, New York, Oxford University Press, 1985.
  • 1997: Comment upon this statement by R.M. TITMUSS in Problems of Social Policies, 1950: "From the initial preoccupations with the cruder manifestations of total war expressed in such definite policies as removing the injured to hospital, the frightened to safety and the dead to mortuaries, the government was to turn under the pressure of circumstances and the stimulus of a broader conception of social justice to new fields of constructive policies."